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Abstract
This thesis examines the 1954 American Espionage Case in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as a case study of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) dual narrative strategy—one crafted for domestic consumption through propaganda, and another, more pragmatic, employed in diplomatic negotiations. On November 23, 1954, thirteen Americans and several Chinese nationals were tried in Beijing for espionage and airspace violations. Two of them, John T. Downey and Richard Fecteau, were confirmed CIA operatives. The other eleven, the “Arnold crew,” were officially portrayed as spies, though archival evidence suggests they were on a leaflet-dropping mission at the time of capture. Through close analysis of People’s Daily coverage, legal commentaries, and propaganda exhibitions, this study reconstructs the CCP’s official narrative, which deliberately blurred distinctions between the Downey-Fecteau and Arnold crew cases to present a unified image of U.S. subversion. Material evidence such as radios and parachutes was politicized and exhibited publicly, while coerced confessions were treated as definitive proof of guilt. The official line leveraged respected legal scholars to bolster its claims, even when arguments relied on flawed reasoning or selective readings of international law. In contrast, diplomatic records—especially transcripts of meetings between Premier Zhou Enlai and UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld—reveal a more cautious tone. While publicly uncompromising, Zhou privately acknowledged room for prisoner release under favorable conditions. The American detainees became bargaining chips in a broader geopolitical moment between the 1954 Geneva and 1955 Bandung Conferences, as the PRC sought to manage relations with both hostile and non-aligned states, particularly the “Colombo Powers.” The thesis situates this episode within the PRC’s Cold War foreign policy transition from revolutionary confrontation to pragmatic diplomacy aimed at securing Third World support. The CCP’s approach shows a calculated separation of audiences: domestically, the narrative mobilized public vigilance and nationalist unity; internationally, it signaled flexibility without public concession. The courtroom was thus not merely a legal arena but a stage for ideological performance, while the diplomatic table allowed for face-saving compromise. By comparing these parallel narratives, this study contributes to scholarship on PRC propaganda, legal culture, and early Cold War diplomacy. It argues that the 1954 case illustrates a structural feature of CCP political communication: the capacity to sustain two synchronized but divergent storylines to meet internal and external needs. This duality—rooted in Mao-era media control and preserved in contemporary party-state information management—offers a lens for understanding the persistent interplay between politics, law, and diplomacy in modern Chinese statecraft.